Citing former rebels and CIA documents, it said militant leaders posed as merchants in meetings with aid groups who flooded into Ethiopia to help relieve the famine, highlighted by the global Live Aid charity concert in 1985.

“Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes,” said a 1985 CIA assessment cited by the broadcaster.

The BBC quoted a Christian Aid worker, Max Peberdy, as saying he took nearly 500,000 dollars into Ethiopia in 1984 to buy grain from merchants, who he believes were genuine.

“It’s 25 years since this happened, and in the 25 years it’s the first time anybody has claimed such a thing,” he told the broadcaster.

But the merchant he dealt with, Gebremedhin Araya, claims he was in fact a senior member of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

“I was given clothes to make me look like a Muslim merchant. This was a trick for the NGOs,” said Araya, adding that he handed the money to TPLF leaders including Meles Zenawi, who became Ethiopian prime minister in 1991.

Meles’ office declined to comment on the allegation, said the BBC.

Former TPLF commander, Aregawi Berhe, who now lives in exile in the Netherlands, said 95 percent of the some 100 million dollars received by TPLF in 1985 went on buying arms or building a hard-line party within the movement.

“The aid workers were fooled,” he said.

A million people died as a result of the 1984 famine, blamed on Ethiopia’s then military regime’s untenable land policies, forcible eviction of millions of people and covering up the famine. The regime was toppled in 1991.

Last year, Irish rock star Bob Geldof returned to the country to mark the 25th anniversary of the disaster and the Live Aid concerts he helped organise, starting a trend for celebrity-driven charity drives which continues today.

Eritrea, in particular, has been accused of serving as a conduit for arms, logistics and foreign fighters to the Islamist group Al Shabaab in Somalia.

On December 23 last year, the UN Security Council imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea and vowed to slap financial and travel restrictions on its leaders for arming Al Shabaab.

The resolution, which was introduced by Uganda, passed by a vote of 13 to 1 in the 15-nation council, with Libya voting “no” and China abstaining.

At its meeting held in Addis Ababa on Thursday, the council hailed all the countries and institutions providing support to the AU peace keeping mission, especially Uganda and Burundi, calling on other member states to join.

Uganda and Burundi are the only countries that have contributed soldiers to the AU peace keeping force, known as AMISOM, but the 5,000 strong force falls short of the 8,000 soldiers required to secure the capital Mogadishu alone.

The AU council stressed that the deterioration of the situation in Somalia is proof of the increased internationalisation of the conflict.

It, therefore, called for the deployment of UN staff to help stabilise the situation and support the reconstruction of the country.

“The council noted that the current support remains below what is required on the ground and called for more mobilisation of the international community,” an AU release said over the weekend.

The group reiterated its support to the Somali government and asked for more support, including military, to enable the government neutralise the armed element and deliver basic services.

In that respect, it welcomed the recent commissioning of eight battalions of the Somali security forces, who had been trained by AMISOM.

It also welcomed the completion of the induction course for the AMISOM police trainers from Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Uganda who will in turn train the Somali police.

The council again condemned the acts of violence and terrorism by Islamist militant groups Al Shabaab and Hizbul Islam “with the active support of foreign elements in defiance of the peace overtures of the government and the international community”.

It reiterated its call to all the Somali parties to join the peace process without any precondition and delay.

It also demanded that armed opposition groups ensure unrestricted access and assistance to needy civilians in areas under their control.

Meanwhile, World Food Programme has reported that Al Shabaab militants are stopping convoys of food reaching more than 360,000 displaced people.

Al Shabaab says World Food Programme is ruining local farming by forcing Somalis to rely on imports. But the UN says Somali farmers cannot supply enough food.

In this article, I will examine a bogus-historical term that has been constructed by the Freemasonic Orientalist ateliers and academia of France and England to further spread confusion in the wider region, and – more importantly – consolidate the two fallacies in the area, namely the pseudo-doctrines of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism: Nubia.

One must eventually refer beforehand to my earlier publications “Fake Sudan (Real Ethiopia) and Fake Ethiopia (Real Abyssinia): what is at stake?” and “Sudan (Real Ethiopia), Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia): Evil Progeny of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism” to better understand the nature and the targets of the colonial interference and forgery.

Freemasonic Orientalist Projection of False Identities onto Africans

Summarizing the subject briefly, I would state that the customary colonial attitude of creating fake identities and projecting them onto the targeted victims – peoples, involved in the case of Sudan and Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia) the following binary method:

1. Projection onto the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan (who constitute the colonial state´s ruling elite) of a fake Pan-Arabist doctrine that would make of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Sudan “Arabs” (therefore Semites), totally cutting them off the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would totally deform and alter the real identity of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan, effectively detaching them from their historical monuments, study, research, exploration and interpretation; the end result would be a) the prevention of an all-inclusive National History of Ethiopia (this is the correct name of Sudan) and b) the rise of a historically baseless and ignorant elite unable to run the country as per the indigenous peoples´ interests and incapable to properly assess the national history of the country.

2. Projection onto the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who constitute the ruling elite of the colonial state that is fallaciously called ´Ethiopia´, and govern tyrannically the numerous subjugated non-Semitic, Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations) of a fake Ethiopianist doctrine that would make of the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who originate from Ancient Yemen) “amalgamated Kushites and Semites”, treacherously attributing to them the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would facilitate the (unlawful and fake) justification of the Abyssinian occupation of Kushitic Ethiopian lands belonging to Oromos, Afars, Sidamas, Kaffas, Kambaatas and others.

This execrable machination would be at the origin of a prospective enlargement of the fabricated, fake state of Ethiopia with the later attribution of other adjacent lands, namely Ogaden, Somalia, Eritrea (at a first stage) and detached parts of Sudan, such as the South, the Red Sea Beja land, and the progressively depopulated Nubia in the North (whereby the erection of high dams leads to forced relocation).

The fallacious attribution of the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia to the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians has only one reason and one target, namely the (historically fake) support of the creation of a Greater Ethiopia stretching from today´s Egyptian – Sudanese borderline to the Kenyan coastlands.

Oppressed peoples of Abyssinia and Sudan, and the Sudanese elites should truly realize what is hidden behind the pretensions expressed by the ignorant, fanatic, and racist Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian professors and writers over the 25th dynasty of Egypt. That dynasty was formed by several Kushitic Ethiopian kings of Napata, today´s Karima in North Sudan, who, after being accepted by Amun´s Theban clergy, ruled over Ancient Sudan, i.e. Ethiopia and Ancient Egypt, until they were evacuated from Egypt by the invading Assyrian army of Assarhaddon (in 671 BCE) and Assurbanipal (in 669 and 666 BCE). That dynasty was normally called ´Ethiopian´ by the Ancient Greeks because these Pharaohs originated from Napata, the capital of the Ancient Sudanese state that the Greeks named Ethiopia – which has nothing to do with the Semitic Abyssinians, whose ancestors at those days lived in Yemen, not Africa.

The criminal usurpation of the heritage and the historical tradition of the Ancient Kushitic / Ethiopian Pharaohs of Egypt, Shabaka, Shabataka, Taharqa and Tanutamun, by the racist and chauvinist pseudo-professors of Abyssinia, the fallacious incorporation of that historical period into the totally constructed and absolutely false historical doctrine of Abyssinia (Ethiopianism), and the parallel disregard expressed by the ruling elite of Sudan for the heritage and the historical tradition of the Ancient Kushitic / Ethiopian Pharaohs of Egypt (and the pre-Islamic past of Sudan in general) do not represent a mere coincidence. They merely illuminate several secret paragraphs of the Freemasonic Orientalist agenda and the Greater Ethiopia plan – which is of absolutely Freemasonic nature and origin.

Through the trickery of false identities projected onto the various victims, through a vast falsification effort that transforms historical reality to a non-event and makes of numerous assorted lies a fake history, and through the fallacious identification of the Satanic Tewahedo Abyssinian religion with Christianity, the Freemasonic rulers of Paris, London and Washington intend to eliminate Islam from the entire eastern African region and to replace it with a fake Christianity that would never be recognized by the Coptic Patriarchate of Alexandria, the only authentic representative of Christianity in Africa. But this goes out of the scope of the present article.

A Bogus-historical Term: Nubia

As the general outline is clear, I will now proceed with the main part of the article and the bogus-historical term Nubia. Before advancing, I want to clarify a few points that may upset my Nubian readers.

The aforementioned subtitle does not mean that Nubia does not exist or that the Nubian people disappeared. Even more, it does not imply in any sense that the Nubians did not contribute to great works and real masterpieces in the lands where they lived. Once more, the aforementioned does not mean that the Nubians did not excel in religion, theology, sciences, arts, administration and economy wherever they lived.

Nubia is a geographical term in use for the region inhabited by Nubians today.

Nubian is an ethnic term in use for the people who are Nubian language natives. These people inhabit the south of Egypt (from Luqsor to the Sudanese border) and the north of Sudan (from Wadi Halfa southwards, and as far as Debbah); in Egypt, they speak Kinzi and Fidjeki, whereas in Sudan the prevailing dialects are Halfawi (from Wadi Halfa), Mahas, Sukkot and Danglawi (from Dunqulah / also pronounced as Dongolah). As the Nubians have been a historical people in the wider Eastern African region, this geographical term could eventually be extended in History. But at this point start the problems and the misconceptions.

It is impossible to use a geographical term at the political – historical level, if the inhabitants of the area do not form a historical state of their own. Typical example is Babylonia; after the Iranians invaded Babylonia, we cannot use this term to denote South Mesopotamia. Only for a few centuries, the area was an Iranian province; later, the name fell into desuetude.

Ancient Egypt or Ancient Nubia ?

As far as Nubians are concerned, we know that they lived among the Egyptians and that a significant minority of Egypt´s population was Nubian. However, there is always a danger for scholars to get confused and mistakenly project perceptions of modern circumstances onto our interpretation of the past. Today, Nubians live in the South of Egypt; however, there is nothing to guarantee to us that the same happened in the Antiquity. More probable it is that they lived throughout the country. They participated in every activity and at all levels, but they never ruled the country.

This means that the Ancient Egyptian temples were shrines for the Egyptians and the Nubians, and that they constitute today cultural heritage and historical tradition for both, Nubians and Egyptians. But we cannot call them Nubian because Nubians never controlled the country where these temples were erected. And we don´t even have an indication that the Ancient Nubians were annoyed, disturbed or frustrated with this fact. During several millennia of Ancient Egyptian History, we have attested many rebellions, revolutions, coups, invasions, counter-revolutions, palatial intrigues, priestly conspiracies, military plots, but we never found any reference to a Nubian uprising.

The most plausible explanation may be that the Nubians never felt their differences from the Egyptians in the way people speaking different native tongues feel their differences from others today. The concept of nation was inexistent during the Antiquity and the Christian – Islamic Ages. Furthermore, as the Pharaoh was conceived as God, he could not possibly be considered as an Egyptian, e.g. a human. So, there was not an Egyptian king ruling over Nubians in Egypt, but a God reigning over all the country´s inhabitants.

In other words, there is no point in calling the Ancient Egyptian Art as Ancient Nubian Art, the Ancient Egyptian Religion as Ancient Nubian Religion, and the Ancient Egyptian monuments as Ancient Nubian monuments. Nubians were part of all the endeavours carried out in Ancient Egypt, Nubians are part of the heirs of the Ancient Egyptian civilization, but all this happened in Egypt or – to put it correctly – in Kemet, as Egypt´s name was for both, Ancient Egyptians and Nubians.

Ancient Nubia or Ancient Ethiopia ?

Irrespective of the military – political presence of Pharaonic army, every territory beyond Egypt´s end was considered as colony, and was customarily administered by a viceroy. The end of Egypt was precisely the area of the first cataract that starts at Aswan´s southernmost end; there started the first nome of Upper Egypt that was named Ta Seti, and its capital was Abu or Yebu, which is the Ancient Egyptian name of the Elephantine island. In fact, alongside the Nile, the cataracts are truly speaking rapids creating turbulence of water in the river, which makes the navigation almost impossible for small boats. The sacred island of Isis nearby the southern end of the first cataract (today in the area between the small dam, Khazzan, and the High Dam) was therefore Pa-Irek, which means the land of the end.

The southern border of Egypt was redrawn many times during the Antiquity, reflecting the balance of power between Kemet and Kas. The Ancient Egyptians used many geographical terms to denote parts of today´s Sudanese North; but the state established there was always called Kas. The Ancient Assyrians called that state Mat (land of) Kusi, and the Ancient Hebrews Kush. The Ancient Greeks used a descriptive term to denote the people, the state and the land; it evolved around the skin colour of the indigenous inhabitants. In fact, Aithiopia (Lat. Aethiopia) means the land of the Black people (lit. burnt face people). This reflects as astounding similarity with Ancient Egypt, because Kemet means the Black Land.

Every reference to Ethiopia meant therefore today´s North Sudan, as the southernmost border of Ethiopia (totally unrelated – as I already said – to Abyssinia that did not exist at that time) never reached as much as today´s Central Sudanese city Wad Madani. Deep African forest started at that point, and it was considered impenetrable by ancient armies (or even unnecessary to cross).

In Kush / Ethiopia, we attest exactly the same situation as in Egypt. Nubians lived among the Ethiopians / Kushites, and a significant minority of the country´s population was Nubian. As in the case of Egypt, there is always a danger for scholars to get confused and mistakenly project perceptions of modern circumstances onto our interpretation of the past. Today, Nubians live in the North of Sudan; however, there is nothing to guarantee to us that the same happened in the Antiquity. It is more probable that they lived throughout the country. They participated in every activity and at all levels, but they never ruled the country.

This means that the Ancient Kushitic / Ethiopian temples were shrines for the Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians and the Nubians, and that they constitute today cultural heritage and historical tradition for both, Nubians and Modern Kushites / Ethiopians who are the linguistically arabized descendents of the Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians.

Because of the aforementioned situation, we cannot call these temples and monuments Nubian because Nubians never controlled the country where these temples and monuments were erected. And we don´t even have an indication that they were annoyed, disturbed or frustrated with this fact. During several millennia of Ancient Sudanese, Kushitic /Ethiopian History, we have attested many rebellions, revolutions, coups, invasions, counter-revolutions, palatial intrigues, priestly conspiracies, military plots, but we never found any reference to a Nubian uprising against the Kushite / Ethiopian Qore, as was in Ancient Kushitic / Ethiopian the equivalent term for Pharaoh.

As in the case of Egypt, the most plausible explanation may be that the Nubians never felt their differences from the Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians in the way people speaking different native tongues feel them today. The concept of nation was inexistent during the Antiquity and the Christian – Islamic Ages. Furthermore, as the Qore was conceived as God, he could not possibly be considered as a Kushite / Ethiopian, e.g. a human.

In other words, there is no point in calling the Ancient Kushitic Art as Ancient Nubian Art, the Ancient Kushitic Religion as Ancient Nubian Religion, and the Ancient Kushitic monuments as Ancient Nubian monuments. Nubians were part of all the endeavours carried out in Ancient Sudan / Kush / Ethiopia, Nubians are part of the heirs of the Ancient Kushitic / Ethiopian civilization, but all this happened in Kush / Ethiopia – which has nothing to do with Abyssinia (falsely called Ethiopia for the needs of the Freemasonic scheme).

Historical Contextualization

Before entering into a series of refutations and rectifications, it is therefore necessary to make available for average readership the proper contextualization of all the related terms pertaining to countries and peoples.

In fact, Ancient Africa before the Canaanite – Phoenician colonization of North and Northwestern coastlands of Africa was entirely inhabited by two main groups, the Hamites and the Nilo-Saharans. The ancestors of the modern Bantus were confined into Africa´s southernmost corner and thence they moved northwards relatively recently, which means not in Pre-Christian times, and mainly in the 2nd millennium CE.

Hamites: the term is correct but viciously targeted and proscribed by all the racist European supremacists and colonials because if greatly diffused, educationally assessed, and politically ideologized (as it should have been by all Hamites of today), it could trigger an enormous African confederation stretching from Senegal to Kenya, and from Egypt to Nigeria.

The Hamitic family of peoples comprise mainly of two groups, the Northwestern Hamites and the Eastern Hamites who are customarily called Kushites.

Among the Northwestern Hamites we identify the Ancient Berbers, the ancestors of the modern Tuareg, Berbers, Hausa and Fulani (Peul) and their offspring.

Among the Eastern Kushites, we find the Ancient Ethiopians of Sudan, and their descendents, namely the Arabic speaking Kushites in today´s Central Sudan and the subjugated Oromos, Kaffas, Kambaatas, and Sidamas in Abyssinia. Eastern Kushites comprise of the Ancient Somalis of Punt, and their progeny, the modern Somalis, as well as the Ogadeni and the Kenyan Somalis. Other Kushitic nations are the Agaw, the Bejas and the Afars.

The Ancient Egyptians, at the dawn of their civilization, were not one people, and Egypt was never considered – by the Ancient Egyptians themselves – as one country. Kemet was made of two lands, Lower Egypt and the Delta (represented by the lower and red-coloured Egyptian crown at the head of every Pharaoh), and Upper Egypt in the South, up to the first cataract (represented by the upper and white-coloured Egyptian crown at the head of every Pharaoh). The union effectuated by Narmer ca. 2950 BCE was indeed a union of two closely affiliated peoples who kept the memory of their different origin down to the Christian times, although they had been totally amalgamated much earlier (certainly before the rise of the New Empire, ca. 1530 BCE).

Data collected from almost every period of Ancient Egypt allow us to identify the Lower Egyptians as Northwestern Hamites and the Upper Egyptians as Eastern Hamites very close to the Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians.

The Nilo-Saharan family of peoples comprise many modern nations, namely the Nubians, the Nuba, the An(y)uak, the Shellok, the Dinka, the Nuer, the Luo, and others. In the Antiquity, the only Nilo-Saharan people we can definitely identify as such are the Nubians of Egypt and Kush / Ethiopia /Sudan.

One Nubian State and one Nubian Temple

In fact, the only Nubian state that existed before the Modern Era was the Christian Kingdom of Nobatia that comprised parts of today´s Egypt and a relatively small part of today´s Sudan, around its capital, Faras that was located a few kilometers before today´s Sudanese borderline (currently under the waters of the Nubian Lake that has been formed behind the Aswan High Dam).

For more than three millennia of Egyptian and Kushitic / Ethiopian History, down to the Christian Era, Nubians either in Egypt or in Kush / Ethiopia / Sudan expressed only a particularity of culture. The traces of Nubian Antiquity that we have collected thus far can help us reconstitute the Ancient Nubian culture as mainstream Egyptian culture (with some extra elements of Nubian individualism).

The same can be said to lesser extent for the earlier stages of Kushitic / Ethiopian Antiquity. The differences between Kerma civilization (1st half of the 2nd millennium BCE) and Upper Egypt are not greater than those existing at the same time between Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt. As late as the period of the Ethiopian / Kushitic dynasty of Egypt (730 – 661 BCE), the ancestors of today´s Oromos and of their brethren, the Arabic speaking Sudanese of Central Sudan, were writing in Egyptian Hieroglyphics and their kings were ruling from Napata, e.g. Karima in today´s Sudan.

Only at the times of the Meroitic period (ca. 450 BCE – 370 CE), the Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians have developed a totally distinct civilization from the Ancient Egyptian civilization.

In fact, the only Nubian temple that existed before the Christianization of the Nubians was the temple of Maluli at Telmes (Ancient Greek, Talmis), e.g. Kalabsha, south of Aswan in Egypt. Maluli (Mandulis in Ancient Greek) was a Nubian god that was not worshipped by Egyptians, although all the priestly inscriptions of the temple were in Egyptian Hieroglyphics, the holy language and writing of both, the Nubians and the Egyptians. Maluli was never worshipped by Ancient Kushites / Ethiopians either.

With all this cultural, ethnic, political, socioeconomic, artistic, religious and intellectual interaction that lasted so many millennia the ancestors of today´s Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians have nothing to do, being totally unrelated. But the evil Freemasonic Orientalist academia of Europe decided to usurp this heritage from the Arabic speaking, Kushitic people in today´s Central Sudan and the Oromos and attribute it to those who are totally unauthenticated, the Non-African, Semitic Abyssinians.

In a forthcoming article, I will focus on the use of the fake historical term Nubia by the Freemasonic Orientalist academia of Europe, revealing that almost 99% of the times the term is used at the historical level (due to the systematic Fallacy of Ethiopianism), it should be rendered as Kush / Ethiopia, which is Sudan and not Abyssinia.

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

The statement released to Reuters by the U.S. Embassy in the Eritrean capital came on the same day that Eritreans abroad protested against United Nations sanctions imposed on their country and that they say were organized by the United States.

The U.N. Security Council, which last December imposed the sanctions, accuses Asmara of providing funds and weapons to Islamist insurgents in Somalia where 21,000 people have been killed in violence since the beginning of 2007.

Aimed at the country’s leaders, the sanctions include an arms embargo, a freeze on assets and travel bans on individuals and firms to be designated by a sanctions committee.

“The United States calls on President Isaias to immediately end Eritrea’s destabilizing activities in the Horn of Africa,” the U.S. Embassy said in its statement.

“Eritrea’s actions in Somalia and Djibouti threaten international peace and security and contribute to a dire humanitarian crisis.”

Relations between Eritrea and neighboring Djibouti remain hostile. In June 2008 a dozen Djiboutian soldiers were killed in a clash, and last October Djibouti accused Eritrea of training militias to carry out sabotage in its territory.

Eritrean officials deny all accusations relating to Somalia and Djibouti and have called on the U.N. to produce evidence and offer an independent platform on which to respond. They say that without this the sanctions are illegitimate and illegal.

Asmara also accuses the international community of a double standard, pointing out that Somalia is rife with U.S. munitions that arrive by the planeload.

“U.N. Sanction 1907 is an African-led initiative and the United States commends the African Union and Intergovernmental Authority on Development,” the U.S. embassy said. “The United States supports the adoption of this important resolution.”

DEMONSTRATIONS

Pro-Eritrean supporters gathered in some Western capitals to protest the U.N. resolution, which they say is the latest insult in a long history of western persecution.

Eritrea’s state-run media is running a sustained campaign charging the United States with masterminding the U.N. sanctions imposed on it and says Washington wants to control the whole Horn of Africa region.

By Jeremy Clarke

Somali authorities said Monday that two lawmakers and several military officials have been in Ethiopian police custody for two weeks.

They have told Press TV that the detainees were on a government mission near the border and were forced to enter Ethiopia after their convoy came under attack by armed Somali fighters.

Somalia’s internationally-backed government, which assumed office in 2009 with the hopes of bringing some semblance of stability to the lawless Horn of Africa nation, has been under attack by Somali fighters from the start.

The fighters have vowed to bring down the government of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.

Violence has killed more than 21,000 people in Somalia since the beginning of 2007.

• Conflict, poverty force thousands to flee Horn of Africa
• Human smuggling to South Africa valued at $40 million
• Kenya cracks down on illegal migrants

Tal Raviv, a regional programme officer at the U.N.’s International Organisation for Migration (IOM), told Reuters that conflict and poverty were forcing Ethiopians and Somalis to undertake risky trips to better places.

“We estimate the number of people, specifically Somalis and Ethiopians, going from south central Somalia and southern Ethiopia towards South Africa is between 17,000 and 20,000 men every year,” Raviv told Reuters in an interview.

Violence in Somalia has killed some 21,000 civilians since the start of 2007 and uprooted a further 1.5 million people.

Southern Ethiopia is also mired in a long-running insurgency against the Ethiopian government, for more autonomy for the underdeveloped ethnic Somali Ogaden region.

“The journey is made possible because of limited border controls all the way to South Africa, but also the fact that you can easily get false documents and pay bribes to move from one place to another,” she said.

IOM’s 2009 report estimates that sneaking Ethiopians and Somalis into South Africa was a $40 million business.

Police in Kenya’s north eastern region said they have stepped up measures to curb human smuggling.

“We have also sacked some of the corrupt officials who have been taking money from illegal migrants,” said James Ole Seriani, north eastern province commissioner, in a telephone interview from the eastern town of Garissa.

Kenya officially closed its 680 km (420 mile) border with Somalia in 2007 fearing the threat from heavily armed militias.

But it has allowed thousands of refugees from Somalia to enter and live in sprawling refugee camps near the border.

RISKY JOURNEY

IOM’s 2009 report said organised criminal groups of human smugglers located in eight African countries facilitate the illegal movement.

A 17-year-old Somali boy who travelled from the southern Somalia town of Kismayu to South Africa’s Cape Town last year described the journey as risky.

Fearing forceful recruitment by al Shabaab hardline insurgents, the teenager, who asked not to be named, said he travelled in a group of 75 Somalis including a 60-year-old woman and a toddler on the back of an old truck.

“When we entered Zambia, the security forces arrested us and sent us to a prison near the border, where we tilled land on government farms every day for six months,” he said.

After half a year in jail, the teenager was released.

He arrived in Cape Town, via Mozambique, 10 months after leaving his hometown of Kismayu.

“South Africa is not my destination. I am now planning to continue to Minnesota, USA,” he said. (Additional reporting by Sahra Abdi; Editing by Dominic Evans)

Source: Reuters

Hundreds of troops reportedly entered the strategically important town of Beledweyne on Saturday.

Abdinur Ahmed Maow, a local resident, told The Associated Press news agency that the armed opposition fighters had left “without a single shot”.

Abdulahi Faramiliq, another resident of Beledweyne, said that the troops were cordoning off residential areas and going from house to house searching for weapons.

However, General Muqtar Hassan Afrah, the Somali military commander in the region, denied that any Ethiopian troops were in the region.

Unpopular presence

Ethiopian forces withdrew from Somalia in January as part of a peace deal, more than two years after moving in to help the UN-backed interim government battle the Islamic Courts’ Union, which had seized control of much of the south and centre of the country.

Their presence was unpopular with the majority of Somalis and was used by local Islamist groups as a recruiting tool.

Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based Somalia analyst with the International Crisis Group, said that it is unlikely that Ethiopia is planning to send a larger force across the border.

“It’s a strategic town for them,” he said, referring to the Beledweyne’s location near the border.

“They want a buffer zone and they won’t allow it to be in hostile hands.”

There have been several reports of Ethiopian troops crossing the border in recent months, but the Somali government has not confirmed their presence.

Somalia’s government is struggling to control the country, despite including several factions of the Islamic Courts’ Union.

Fighters from al-Shabaab and Hizb ul-Islam groups have seized control of large areas of the country and have vowed to topple the administration of Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the current president and former Islamic Courts leader.

source Aljazeera

“Sharciga la dagaalanka argagixisadu wuxuu diirayaa xuquuqda wariyeyaasha in ayna qarinin meelaha ay warka ka helaan, marka ay ka warbixinayaan argagixisada” wakaalada wararka ee ENA waxay hadalkaas ka soo xigatay wasiirka isgaadhsiinta Itobiya Shimeles Kemal.

“Sharcigan cusub ee laalaya xuquuqda wariyeyaasha wuxuu mudnaanta siinayaa baaxada halaag ee uu sababi karto argagixisadu” ayuu intaasi ku daray hadlkiisa.

Waxaa laga soo xigtay guddiga ilaalinta wariyeyaasha, in hal wadan oo kale oo Afrkan ah kaliya uu xidho wariyeyaal ka badan kuwa Itobiya ay xidho, todobaadkii hore oo kaliya ayaa la xidhay qoraa wax ka sheegay R/wasaaraha.

Hayada xuquuqda Aadanaha ee loo yaqaan [Human Right Watch] ee uu saldhigeedu yahay New Yorka, ayaa ka hadashay saamaynteeda, ka hor intii aan la ansaxinin sharcigan sanadkii hore. Arinkaas oo ay ka walaacsan tahay in qaar ka mid ah xirfadleyaasheed ay saxaafada qaranku bartimaameedsato.

Waxaa kale oo uu masuulkaasi yidhi “wariyaha waraysanaya siyaasi mucaarad ah ama taageere kooxaha mucaaradka ah ee hubaysan wuxuu awoodaa in uu dhiiri galiyo argagixiso, kolka uu si cad u daabaco aragtida kuwa la waraystay.”

Dawlada Itobiya argagixiso waxay ku sharxdaa ama u taqaan ururada mucaaradka ah ee sanooyin badan kula dagaalamaya gabalada Ogaden iyo Oromo oo ah ONLF iyo OLF.

Xigasho AFP

Maxamed Diiriye waxaa uu ku dhashay Degmada Dhuxun ee gabalka Nogob sanadkii 1935, isla Dhuxun ayuu ku dhameystay waxbarashada Dugsiga H/Dhexe, tacaliintii sarena magaalada  Beledweyne ee Gobolka Hiiraan dalka Somaliya, Kuliyada culuunta siyaasada ee dalka Sudan ayuu ka qalin jabiyey 1963.

Halgame Maxamed Diiriye Uur-doox, waxa uu wax ka asaasay Jabhadii Gobanimadoonka Nasrulahi oo u dagaalantay xoreynta  dhulka Somalida Ogaadeeniya. Mudane Uur-doox, waxa uu xafiiskii ugu horeeyey ee ay yeelato Jabhadaasi uu ka furay Degmada Boondheere ee Magaalada Muqdishu sanadkii 1963, waxa uu xafiiskaas ka waday hawlo Jabhadeed ilaa iyo intii laga abuuro, ururkii Nasrulaahi oo uu madax ka noqday Mudane Maxamed Xaashi Xidhkayoome, ururkaas oo uu ugu dambayntii madax ka noqday Mudane Makhtal Daahir. Nasrulaahi intii ay jirtay waxay dagaalo xoog leh kula gashay Itoobiya dhulka Somalida Ogadeeniya.

N/h Maxameyd Diiriye waxa uu ka mid noqday madaxda sare ee ururkii Nasrulahi waxaana uu noqday hogaanka gaashaandhiga kaas mudo ka dib uu Makhtal Daahir noqday Hogaanka gaashaandhiga ee ururkii Nasrulahi. Mudane Diiriye waxaa uu ahaa dadka aadka u yar ee uu daacada ahaa xoreynta dhulka Somalida Ogadeeniya, waxaana uu dhintay isaga oo wali halgan ku jira.

Ka dib kolkii uu burburiyey ururkii Nasrulahi khilaaf maamul dartiis xili uu madax ka ahaa Halgame Makhtal Daahir iyo iyada oo taageeradii milatari ee ay Somaliya siin jirtay uruka joojisay, ayey masuuliyiintii ururku ku dhex milmeen dadweynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliya. Madaama uu ahaa nin tacliin leh mudane Diiriye waxaa uu shaqo ka helay dalka Somaliya.

1965/8, N/hure Diiriye waxa uu macalin ka noqday Dugsiga sare ee Degmada Marka gabalka Sh/Hoose, Somaliya. Sanadkii 1968, waxaa loo badalay Degmada Jiriiban, waana uu diiday shaqadana uu ka tagey.

Intii uu macalinka ahaa Mudane Diiriye, marna maskaxdiisa kama ayna bixin xal u raadinta dhibaatada dhibaatada gumaysi ee haysta dadkiisa, isaga oo og in ayna jirin cid uga fara dhuudhuuban u hiilinta dadkiisa dulman.

Hadaba, sanadkii 1969, dhalashadii kacaankii Milatariga ee Soomaalida, Mudane Uur-doox, waxa uu ka hadley Idaacada R/Muqdishu, waxana uu u Hambalyey isbedelka ka dhashay dalka Somaliya aad ayuuna ugu farxay, waxana uu sugayey in xukuumada milatari ee xukunka qabsatay ay gacan ka siindoonto baadidoonka dhulka Somaalida Ogaadeenya.

Sanadkii 1972, waxa uu martiqaad ka helay N/hure Maxamed Diiriye wadamada Carabta qaarkood kol uu qoraal codsi ah u gudbistay sida; Yamen, Qadar, Baxreyn, Imaaraadka Carabta, Liibiya, Aljeeriya, Kuwayt, Siiriya iyo Ciraaq, dhaqdhaqaaqaas siyaasded waxa ku xumaaday xidhiidhkii u dhaxeeyey dawlaladii kacaanka ee Soomaaliya iyo Jabhada.

December 9, 1972 Magaalada Muqdishu waxa ka tagay wafdi Jabhada Nasrulahi oo casuumad ka helay dalal carbeed uuna hogaaminayey N/hure Maxamed Diiriye. waftigu waxay mareen dalalka kala ah; Yamen waxayna codsadeen in dawlada Yeman ka kaalmayso dhanka tababarka ciidamada iyo dhaqaale. December 10, 1972, waxay waftigu la kulmeen wakiilka dawlada Yaman ee Jabhadaha Mudane Cusmaan Mxamed Salax, waxaa kale oo ay la kula kulmeen halkaasi gudoomiyahii Jabhada Eretaraya Saalax Sabri, dawalada Yaman ayaa xiligaasi u sheegtay in ay garab siineyso, laakiin guddi hubsata hawlaha Jabhada, dawlada Yaman aad ayey u daneyneysay Jabhadii Nasrulahi.

December 11, 1972, waxay tageen Dalka Qadar, caasimada Dooxa waxaana halkaas ku qaabilay wasiirada arrimaha dibada iyo warfaafinta Asayid saccid al qabaashi iyo Alsayid ciisa Kawaari, waxayna halkaasi ugu sheegeen taariikhada halkanka Jabhada iyo dhamaan Xaalada Ummada Soomaaliyeed waxayna weydiisteen Taageero hagar la`aan.

December 13, 1972, waxay tageen dalka Baxreyn iyaga oo la kulmay wasiirka Arrimaha dibada Alsheekh Maxamed Bin Mubaarak Al khaliifa ninkas oo xiligaas Soomalida aad u jeclaa, kulankasi waxaa la joogay Dr.Suleymaan Adajaan oo Soomaaliya Mudo badan ku noolaa, aqoon dheer u leh. Dawlada Baxreyn waxay u balan qaadey taageero, waxay kale oo ay la kulmeen Gudoomiyaha Jaaliyada Soomaaliya oo la odhon jiray Saalax Cige.

December 15, 1972, waxay tageen Kuwait, waxaana qaabilay wakiilka arimaha dibada Rashiid Cabdi Casiis Rashiid, waxay Dawlada Kuwait u balan qaaday taageero dhaqaale, waxaa kale oo ay la kulmeen wasiirka arimaha Dibada Sheikh Sabax Jabir Al-Axmed waxa uu u sheegay in taageero hagar la,aana la siin doono, waxaa kale oo ay la kulmeen Jaliyada Soomaaliya Sheekh Cumar Xaajio Muuse.

December 17, 1972 wafdiga waxay aadeen dalalka Ciraaq, Suuriya, Imaaraadka, Tuniisiya iyo Aljeeriya oo ay kuligood is af garad kala kulmeen. siiba dalka Siiriya oo isagu aad gacan u siinayey Jabhado badan oo la dagaalama Itobiya.

December 28, 1972 ayey wafdigii uu hogaaminayey Mudane Uur-doox dib ugu soo laabteen Magaalada Muqdisho, nasiibdaro waxaa habeenimo gurigiisa lagala baxay Mudane Maxamed Diiriye Uur-doox waxaana laga warhayn meel uu ku xidhan yahay December 30, 1972 ilaa iyo December 19,1979.

February 5, 1980 ayaa Mudane Maxamed Diiriye warqad u qoray madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Siyaad Barre Qoraalka ayaa sidan u qoraa:

Dawlada Soomaaliyeed waxay ku guuldareysatey in Madaxbanaaneyso Jabhada gobonomadoonka Soomali Galbeed oo ay iyagu aayahooda ka tashadaan, waxaa kale oo ay Dawladu cabudhisaa siyaasiyiin Soomaaliyeed. Waxaan Madaxweynow kaa codsanayaa in xukuumadaadu faraha kala baxo talada Jabhada xoreynta Soomaali Galbeed.

warqadaas waxaa gacanta laga saaray Madaxweynaha, xaashidaas daraadeed mar labaad aya xabsiga laanta buuro loo taxaabay February 6,1980, kalkaas oo uu lix bilood lagu hayey. Waxaa  xabsigaas laga soo daayey 1982, isaga oo aan bil joogin ayaa waxa loo doortay xogahayaha Jabhadii WSLF shirkaasi waxa uu ka dhacay degmada Afgooye.

1982 N/hurre Maxamed diiriye waxa uu noqdey Xoghayihii guud ee Jabhada WSLF waxa u bilaabay in uu dardar iyo dib u habeyn cusub ku sameeyo hogaanada gudaha iyo dibada ee jabhada.

waxa uu magacaabey wakiilada arrimaha dibada ee jabhada wslf

1. Cabdisalaan Daly wakiilka Iraq
2. Cabdullahi Mxamed Sacdi wakiilka Kuwait
3. Maxmed Cumar Xamow Wakiilka Syria
4. Mukhtaar Sheekh Maxamed Wakiilka Libiya
5. Cumar Maxamuud Sadiiq Wakiilka Aljgeria

Mudane Maxamed Diiriye waxa uu bilaabey in uu joogto u kormeero xarumaha Jabhada. Mudo yar ka dib waxay dawladu ku soo rogtay in uu xabsi ku ahaado gurigiisa, Jabhadana waxay u magacaabey Sheikh Cabdi Nasir Xaaji Aden. Mudane Diiriye waxa uu waydiistay in magangalyo siyaasadee siiyaan Safaaradaha Masar, Siiriya iyo Maraykanka, Mareykanka ayaa codsigiisa aqbalay, Diiriye waxa uu xushay in sadde xubnood oo guddiga fulinta ka mid ahaa in ay raacaan, nasiibdara mid ka mid ah seddexdaas ayaa fashilay qorshihii oo ninkaas oo dawlada hoosta kala shaqayn jiray.

Mudane Maxamed Diiriye waxa uu talo ku lahaa asaasidii Jabhada ONLF oo la aasaasy August 15, 1984, lug weyn ayuu Mudane Diiriye kulahaa Barnaamijka siyaasadeed ee Jabhada wadaniga xoreynta Ogaadeynya, ka dib xabsi ayuu galay ilaa 1991 burburkii dawlada Soomaalida.

waxa muddo 8-sanno ku noolaa Dhoobley, intaa ka dib xaalada Caafimaad ayuu Nairobi u tagay, xanuunkaas oo ku dhaliyey xabsigii iyo jirdilkii .

ugu danbeyntii waxaan la iloobi karin hadal uu ka jeediyey shirkii dardar galinta ahaa ururka ONLF  May 1, 2005, waxaana hadalkiisii ka mid ahaa “Eebahay wax lagu mahadiyo weeye kolba hadii dadkii halganka la dagaalami jiray ay maanta rabaan in ay halganka ka qayb qaataan.” Hadalkaas waxaa uu ula jeeday baa la yidhi Maxamed Cumar Cismaan.

Halkaas ayaanu ku joojinaynaa inta aanu ka helayno arimo kale oo ku saabsan waxqabadkii halgan ee Maxamed Diiriye Uur-doox.

F.G  Taariikh Nololeedka Marxuumka waxaan ka waraystay Shaafici Raabi Kaahin Uur-doox.

waxaana na soo gaadhsiiyey

Abdikarim Aden Hussein.
abdikarimhussein@hotmail.com
Nairobi, Kenya.

Donald Booth said the United States had “complex interests” in Ethiopia, and that the two nations, while differing in tactics, saw largely eye-to-eye on the need to bring stability and prevent an Islamist takeover of Somalia.

“We need to try to work with Ethiopia across the board, preserving the cooperation where we share interests such as regional security,” Booth, a former ambassador to Liberia and Zambia, said at his Senate confirmation hearing.

But he warned that Ethiopia’s “limitations on political expression and economic activities as well as shortcomings in respect to basic human rights run counter to American principles and risk becoming the seeds of future instability.”

Under questioning by Senator Russ Feingold, who heads the Foreign Relations subcommittee on Africa, Booth pledged to take up the case of prisoners such as Birtukan Mideksa, leader of the largest opposition party.

Ethiopia sentenced Birtukan to life in prison for treason after she alleged that the government rigged 2005 elections. She received a pardon two years later but the life term was re-imposed a month ago.

Booth said the US embassy in Addis Ababa has been seeking access to Birtukan, 36.

“I think we need to find a way to convince them (Ethiopian leaders) that it’s in their own interest not to hold people simply because they hold opposing political views,” Booth said.

Booth said he would urge Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government to ensure the fairness of elections due in May, including by allowing opposition candidates to run and have access to the media.

Booth also called for domestic and international observers to monitor the election.

The nominee promised Feingold also to look into allegations of human rights abuses in the southern Ogaden region, where Muslim, ethnic Somali rebels are waging an insurgency for independence.

“Clearly the Ogaden is an area that has created great instability and threats to the security of the Ethiopian state over time,” he said.

“We need to work with the Ethiopians … to try to figure out a way that they can not only protect their territorial integrity but also respect the human rights of all their citizens including the Ogadense,” he said.