|
Links
Home
|
Wararka
Historical
of Early Twentieth Century Ethiopia
Addis Ababa (Addis Tribune, April 18, 1997) - We saw last week how
Mussolini's entry into the European war, on 10 June 1941, led directly to
Ethiopia's Liberation, and to the country's occupation by British troops.
Now read on: The collapse of fascist rule, the termination of Italian
investment, upon which the Italian East African empire had hitherto been
based, the demobilisation of colonial soldiers, many still in possession
of their weapons, the disruption of the economy, the consequent drying-up
of trade, and hence of government revenue, created major problems for
newly liberated Ethiopia, in 1941. Neither the Emperor, whose pre-war
administration had been disbanded five years earlier, nor the British, who
lacked any experience of the country, were well equipped to run an
efficient post-liberation state. Ethiopian administration was further
handicapped by the fact that a significant section of the educated class
had died, in some cases been massacred, during the occupation, and because
education of "natives" during that period occupation had largely ceased.
Post-liberation problems were compounded by the Ethiopian Government's
virtual inability to raise taxes, as well as by the presence in the
country of 40,000 Italian civilians. The latter were enemy nationals, and
hence a security risk, but were expected, in accordance with then
contemporary racial values, to be provided, as Europeans, with food, and
medical facilities, at the level to which they were accustomed. The
politics of the immediate post-liberation era were further complicated by
the widespread diffusion of Italian arms, many in the possession of former
colonial troops, and by the fragmentation of the Ethiopian elite into
three different groups: the Returnees, who had been in exile with the
Emperor, and were therefore to some extent out of touch with the situation
in Ethiopia; the Collaborators, who had worked with the invaders, and were
therefore better informed, but held in disrepute in patriotic circles; and
the Patriots, who had played a major role in the liberation, but were in
many cases unfamiliar with modern administration. All three groups
expected, and to some extent received, posts in government service, as a
reward for past services, or in recognition of their influence, or loyalty
to the monarch. Tensions between the central government and the provinces
had to some extent been acerbated by fascist policy, which had tried to
divide the "native" population on both ethnic and religious lines. This
disintegrative tendency had, however, been largely counter-balanced by
other developments of the occupation period. These included the
improvement of roads, and the installation of a public radio address
system in the principal towns, as well as an awakened sense of Ethiopian
patriotism. The political power of the centre was likewise much
strengthened by the triumphant return of the Emperor, and by the visible
support he received from the British, who in the immediate post-war period
enjoyed a virtual monopoly of military power. Like previous rulers he also
exercised many forms of patronage, not only, as in the past, in respect of
land and political appointment, but now also in the allocation of school
places, and scholarships abroad. A not-insignificant rebellion was,
however, soon to flare in Tegray. The Emperor, after his return to
Ethiopia, was largely preoccupied with relations with the British. The
latter, who had entered the country as liberators, had in fact replaced
the Italians as an occupying power. Relations between the Ethiopians and
the British were from the outset ambiguous. British policy towards
Ethiopia was first enunciated, in general terms, by Foreign Secretary
Anthony Eden, who told the British House of Commons, on 4 February 1941,
that his government "would welcome the re-appearance of an independent
Ethiopian State and recognise the claim of Emperor Haile Sellassie to the
throne". Official British policy was further clarified in high-level
talks, held shortly afterwards in February and March. These were based, in
accordance with Eden's statement, on the "rejection of any idea of a
protectorate", or of "the provision of a strong western administration of
the country". "the provision of a strong western administration of the
country". After the Emperor's return to Addis Ababa, in May, there was,
however, considerable tension between the Ethiopians and the British. The
two parties differed greatly in their views on the country's future
government. The Ethiopians expected to assume full sovereignty without
delay, whereas the British considered the country's independence only as a
long distance objective. A first clash on this question occurred as early
as 11 May 1941, when the Emperor appointed his first post-war cabinet. The
British representative, Brigadier Maurice Lush, sternly informed him that
such appointments could not be made "until a peace treaty has been
effected with Italy" Haile Sellassie was, not surprisingly, indignant. A
compromise was, however, duly effected, whereby the British accepted the
appointment of the ministers, but "chose to regard them as merely
advisers" to the British military administration of the country. It was
symptomatic that the Emperor's private mail was for a time subject to
British censorship, and opened by British censors. His Imperial Majesty,
we are informed, was not amused. Tension was further increased by the
decision of the British military authorities to appropriate, and take out
of the country, some of the principal factories earlier installed by the
Italians, as well as weapons, and military and other transport. Ethiopia
was thus very visibly empoverished by its liberators, who soon came to be
popularly regarded as its looters. Friction was also created by the
presence, in the Ethiopian capital, of white South African troops, who
attempted to perpetuate the strict colour bar earlier instituted by the
Italians. British opinion in relation to Ethiopia's independence varied
greatly. Sir Philip Mitchell, the chief British Political Officer in the
Middle East, sought to impose particularly strong control over Ethiopia,
but others in London took the view that Great Britain should demonstrate
to the world that it could liberate a country without imposing political
strings. Sir Philip, because of his official position, was nevertheless
able to press the Emperor to abide by British "advice" in "all important
matters, internal and external, touching thegovernment of the country"; to
levy taxes and allocate expenditure only with "prior approval" of the
British Government; to grant British courts jurisdiction over foreigners;
"to raise no objection" if the British Commander-in-Chief "found it
necessary to resume military control over any part of Ethiopia"; and not
to raise armed forces, or undertake military operations, "except as agreed
by His Majesty's Government's representative". Taxation, expenditure,
communications, and the jurisdiction of foreigners were to be under
British control. In return for this extensive control he proposed that the
Emperor be offered a subsidy, British advisers, and the opportunity of
discussing proposals for a treaty. British Economic Controls Ethiopia, as
a result of its liberation by the British troops, was at this time firmly
under British economic as well as political control. The country was
incorporated into the British-based Sterling Area, used British East
African Shillings, was dependent on a British bank, Barclay's, and was
served exclusively by the British Overseas Aviation Corporation, B.O.A.C.
Virtually all political power was likewise in the hands of the British
military, who went so far as to censor the Emperor's private
correspondence. The local British officials were so bent on perpetuating
that paramountcy that an American Government memorandum of June 1941
bluntly asserted that Britain was seeking to "establish a protectorate
over Abyssinia". Some British officials at this period, and for the next
few years, moreover sought to partition the country. In the north there
were plans to unite parts of Tegray with the adjacent highlands of
Eritrea, to form a new state under British protection. In the south-east
the British Government proposed incorporating the already British-occupied
Ogaden with British- occupied Somalia, to create a Greater Somalia, under
British trusteeship. British official thinking also for a time envisaged
the partition of Eritrea, with the western portion annexed to the then
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. For all the above reasons, the fund of Ethiopian
good-will towards Britain, the Country's Liberator, was steadily
dissipated, giving way to fear, suspicion, mistrust, and even anger.
A History of
Early Twentieth Century Ethiopia
Addis Tribune, May 30, 1997 - Prelude to Revolution We saw last week that
post-World War II Ethiopia witnessed significant achievements in economic
and other fields. This did not, however, prevent the growth, in the 1960s
and early 1970s, of steadily increasing political discontent. Now read on:
The 1960 Coup d'Etat
Complaints at the slow pace of Ethiopian economic development, which was
seen as comparing unfavourably with that of other African countries, and
criticism of the Emperor's autocratic rule, led to an escalation of
political discontent in the late 1950s. During his absence on a state
visit to Brazil, in December 1960, his Imperial Bodyguard staged a coup
d'etat. Its mastermind was Garmam Neway, an American-educated radical and
dedicated civil servant, whose brother, Mangestu, happened to be head of
the bodyguard. The plotters arrested most of the Ministers, several of the
Emperor's closest confidants.
The coup received immediate support from University College students, who
demonstrated in its favour. The population as a whole, however, failed to
rally behind the insurrection, as Garmam and Mangestu had hoped. The coup
was speedily crushed by the army and airforce. Before surrendering,
however, the plotters killed most of their ministerial prisoners.
The Emperor, who, on hearing the news of the rebellion, had immediately
decided to return, entered Addis Ababa in triumph. The coup's student
supporters on the other hand refused to accept defeat. In the months and
years which followed they continued to agitate, and gradually succeeded in
permanently politicising the country's steadily expanding student body.
Eritrea
In Asmara, meanwhile, the Eritrean Assembly voted, under Ethiopian
Government pressure, on 14 November 1962, for the territory's complete
union with Ethiopia. Eritrea, on the following day, was accordingly
declared an integral part of Ethiopia. The legality of this act was,
however, challenged by many Eritreans. Some of them shortly afterwards
founded their territory's first militant opposition organisation, the
Eritrean Liberation Front, ELF.
"Land to the Tiller!"
Discontent in Ethiopia itself was by then markedly on the increase.
Students, particularly after 1965, demonstrated against the government
more or less regularly each year, with escalating determination. They
focused on the need for land reform, with the cry, "Land to the Tiller!",
as well as on the treatment of the capital's beggars, on the alleged
corruption of senior officials, on the catastrophic famine of 1972-4 in
Tegray and Wallo, which was comparable in intensity only to the Great
Famine of the previous century, and on rising prices. Discontent also
manifested itself in several small- scale peasant disturbances, mainly in
the southern provinces, and in on-going agitation among the trade unions
many of whose members thought that their official leadership was too
subservient to the government.
Many people, even within the ruling elite, were moreover increasingly of
opinion that the then Ethiopian mode of government was antiquated. Many
were also concerned that the ageing Emperor was not apparently grooming
his heir, the Crown Prince, to succeed left the government's critics
unsatisfied.
A landlord-tenant reform bill was presented to Parliament in 1968, but met
with such strong opposition in the landlord- dominated assembly that it
had not been passed six years later when Revolution erupted.
Somalia
Despite the Emperor's flair for personal diplomacy the country suffered,
perhaps unavoidably, from strained relations with neighbouring Somalia.
The latter country had come into existence in 1960, through a merger of
the former Italian colony of Somalia (which had been for ten years under
UGreater Somalia, from its inception claimed the Ethiopian Ogaden,
northern Kenya, and the southern half of the French Territory of the Afars
and Issas, formerly the French Somaliland Protectorate. All three areas
were inhabited by ethnic Somalis.
Tension between Ethiopia and Somalia peaked in 1964, when an undeclared
war broke out, and an OAU cease-fire failed to put an end to continued
periodical clashes.
Sudan
Ethiopian relations with neighbouring Sudan were also often tense. This
was largely due to Ethiopian support for the Anya- Nya rebels in the
southern Sudan, and Sudanese support for the Eritrean Liberation Front.
Refugees from both sides were placed in camps near the common frontier,
thus enabling them to pursue their political agitation and other
activities unhampered.
|
Articles/Interviews
|
